Credit: Ian Gavan/Getty Images

Any half-awake observer of human affairs will have noticed that everyone is being a bit weird at the moment. Not simply weird, but angry, depressed, stressed, jumpy, sensitive, withdrawn, lonely, insecure, constantly checking their phone.
Rappers such as Drake and Stormzy have turned all downbeat and introspective. Your dad is unaccountably furious about whatâs happening in student unions. Richard Madeley shouted at Gavin Williamson. The President of America is widely reckoned to suffer from Narcissistic Personality Disorder. Iâve even noticed a downtick in all those social media imprecations to âhustle 24/7â and âkeep on crushing itâ.
Over on Twitter, itâs Los Angeles author Melissa Broder who best captures the spirit of the age with her @sosadtoday account. Sample tweets: âi feel bad for all of usâ; âa positive feeling can f**k you up foreverâ and âcapitalism is making me want to vomit and also buy stuffâ. Sad is the new hip.
The idea that weâre living in a new age of anxiety is also borne out by the quantitative data: 8.2 million people in Britain suffer from anxiety; there has been a 68% rise in rates of self-harm among girls aged 13 to 16 since 2011; 58% of teachers believe there is a âmental health crisisâ in schools; and universities say they canât cope.
To some extent, all this reflects a new â and welcome â willingness to acknowledge and address mental health. But it also suggests that thereâs a crucial link between whatâs happening in our heads and whatâs happening in the wider economy. Mental health being such an inward affair, people have tended to blame themselves for their failure rather than, say, the current Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Hammond. The late writer Mark Fisher referred to this as âthe privatisation of stressâ â the neoliberal tendency to load all of societyâs stress onto the individual. But it isnât until you collate the data â as epidemiologists Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett do in their new book The Inner Level â that the phenomenon begins to assume a definite shape.
âAt the heart of progressive politics there has always been an intuition that inequality is divisive and socially corrosive,â they write. âNow we have the internationally comparable data which proves that intuition true.â Their argument, backed up by a formidable amount of graphs, is that the more unequal a society, the more depressed, stressed, anxious, insane and narcissistic its citizens will be, and the less likely to engage in friendly, beneficial community activities.
Itâs true across nations rich and poor, true across American states too, and notably true in Britain, the fourth most unequal country in Europe by income. Our children are by some measures the unhappiest in the OECD. One of Wilkinson and Pickettâs main concerns is the âsocial evaluative threatâ â that hard-wired tendency to compare ourselves to others, which is overemphasised in unequal societies (especially ones with Instagram). They describe it as âcancer in the midst of our social lifeâ.
The Inner Level is the follow-up to The Spirit Level (2009), which along with Thomas Pikettyâs Capital in the 21st Century (2013), radically altered the conversation about inequality in the post-crash era â even if policy changes have been much slower to follow.
In the first book, the authors showed how educational standards, life expectancy, homicide rates, incarceration rates, heart disease, teenage pregnancy â every problem with a social gradient â are as much as ten times worse in unequal societies as they are in equal societies. Whatâs more, unequal societies â like the US, Mexico, South Africa and the UK â are worse for everyone in them, not just those at the bottom. Itâs sometimes said of parenting that youâre only ever as happy as your unhappiest child. It seems something similar is true of countries.
The Inner Level develops and deepens this theme with a more specific focus on mental health and wellbeing. While the authors stress that it is not a âtheory of everythingâ, the subtitle â How More Equal Societies Reduce Stress, Restore Sanity and Improve Everyoneâs Well-being â begs to differ. So too would the terrain covered, from the egalitarian nature of hunter-gatherer societies to the decline of the Ugg boot to the difficulties of genuine friendship between people of different social classes.
The book does raise a few questions. Itâs notable that the most equal societies â Scandinavia and Japan â are also rich and relatively monocultural; and that America and the UK, at the opposite end of the âinequalityâ axis, are rich and culturally diverse. That might suggest that thereâs some vexed relationship between inequality and diversity that needs a little more untangling. I also noted, with a minor flush of patriotism, that Britain performs better on volunteering rates than the data would have you expect. And where the authors stray from their number-crunching, they sound less convincing. Do people really manically tidy their house before guests come because they want to hide who they really are? Or perhaps itâs just kind to spare your guests the muesli bowls and dirty underwear.
Nonetheless, the data is compelling â the lines on the graphs all tilt in one direction â and the policy proposals do too. The authors push for full âeconomic democracyâ â employee-owned companies, national wage councils and employee representation on boards â as well as shorter working weeks as remedies within our grasp. Conservative-led governments since 2010 have gradually warmed to the theme of inequality: George Osborne went from protecting the salaries of those earning over ÂŁ150,000 in his âmillionaireâs budgetâ of 2012, to introducing the National Living Wage in 2015; Theresa May took office vowing to fight Britainâs âburning inequalityâ.
The gap between the richest and poorest households has diminished since the Great Recession, according to the Institute of Fiscal Studies. But thereâs still an-inbuilt Conservative blind-spot where it comes to, say, compelling companies like Uber to pay the minimum wage, or welcoming worker representatives onto pay panels, which May promised and then abandoned. Far from discouraging innovation, it turns out more equal societies are also more productive and creative â Sweden cranks out way more patents per head than the US. The Equality Trust has calculated that simply reducing the UKâs inequality levels to the OECD average would save us about ÂŁ39 billion a year in costs to the NHS and prison service.
The book is timely not simply because the mental health crisis it describes is so palpable, but because the conversations started by the first book have been sidetracked by the shocks of Brexit and Trump, and the rise of populism and identity politics. The collectivist narrative of the â99%â has descended into internecine squabbles: men vs women, TERF vs trans, black vs white, Millennials vs Baby Boomers, etc. The Canadian psychologist Jordan Peterson is reaching huge audiences of young people arguing that what they need is more individual responsibility and less complaining that life is unfair. Stand up straight with your shoulders back!
Peterson likes to talk about the âdominance hierarchyâ and argues that the West is doing OK, as it allows the smart and conscientious people to climb to the top. But Wilkinson and Pickettâs graphs show thatâs an oversimplification. Being smart and conscientious isnât enough if youâre born poor. Itâs not simply lacking material resources, but the mental effects of being at the bottom of an all-too visible social hierarchy that impact life chances. It means thereâs a lot of smart, conscientious people who never get the chance to develop.
Wilkinson and Pickett, moreover, dismiss the idea that weâre wired to assume our rightful place in dominance hierarchies, looking to primatologists and ethnographers to explain why. The literature shows overwhelmingly that our hunter-gatherer ancestors were remarkably egalitarian and cooperative, hunting together, enjoying plenty of leisure time, with no individual among the tribe having privileged access to food or to mating partners â and this is true across cultures and geographies. It wasnât the dominance hierarchy, contrary to Petersonâs argument, that ensured social harmony, but counter-dominance strategies: the collective efforts of the tribe to hold the strongest in check.
Itâs hypothesised that the development of hunting technologies helped this process; once humans invented weapons, the weakest member of the tribe could easily kill the strongest, so the strongest had to ensure that he (or she) ruled by consent. For the system to function and the social organism to evolve, bad leaders had to be overthrown and abuses of power policed. It held until the development of agriculture brought in previously unknown notions of property, ownership, bondage and class, and man was cast out of his Garden of Eden to work the land. Usually someone elseâs land.
I say that The Spirit Level was influential. It was a favourite of Nick Cleggâs who â as David Runciman notes in his Talking Politics podcast â was the first mainstream politician to pay serious attention to the nationâs ailing mental health. It was also a book more admired than acted upon in the post-crash era. The financial malefactors largely went unpunished, deemed too big to fail. Incomes at the top decreased a bit, but with wages in the middle stagnant, it wasnât much solace to learn that some financier is earning ÂŁ2 million per annum as opposed to ÂŁ3 million. Particularly so for Millennials priced out of home ownership and paying sky-high rents.
It is little wonder that Millennials, in particular, have flocked to Jeremy Corbynâs Labour party â they make an instinctive connection between âcapitalismâ and their own ailing mental health. It is they who are dealing with the âprivatised stressâ of neoliberalism â its âsocial evaluativeâ imperative turbo-charged, of course, by smartphones.
Seen from a distance, it begins to look as if weâre in our present turmoil because counter-dominance strategies tired in the wake of the financial crisis have proved abortive. Weâre still waiting for the bad ideas to be overthrown. The Inner Level doesnât make for pretty reading, but it does provide hope that soon enough good ideas will prevail.
Join the discussion
Join like minded readers that support our journalism by becoming a paid subscriber
To join the discussion in the comments, become a paid subscriber.
Join like minded readers that support our journalism, read unlimited articles and enjoy other subscriber-only benefits.
Subscribe